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Name : Mohammad Alhailawani

Academic Rank: Assistant Professor

Administrative Position : Faculty Academic Member

Office 6214       Ext No 6214

Email : mohammad.alhailawani@uop.edu.jo

Specialization: Generative Linguistics

Graduate Of: Queen Mary University of London

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Qualification

    Qualification

    University

    Country

    Year

    Bachelor
    Jordan University of Science & Technology
    Jordan
    2010
    Master's
    Jordan University of Science & Technology
    Jordan
    2014
    Ph.D
    Queen Mary University of London
    United Kingdom
    2018



  • Journal Paper





      Mohammad A. Alhailawani , " Indefinite and Not-So-Indefinite DPs in Jordanian Arabic " , "SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics",Vol.16 - 2019 No. 4,No., Slovak Association for the Study of English, Kosice, Slovakia, 12/17/2019 Abstract:
      In this paper, I discuss the syntax of indefinite DPs in Jordanian Arabic (JA). I argue that in addition to the traditional definite vs indefinite DP split, there exists a third type of DPs headed by the cardinal numeral waaḥad (one), which functions as an indefinite specific marker when it occurs Download




      Mohammad Ali Alhailawani , " Against a uniform analysis of adnominal possessives in Jordanian Arabic: Evidence from nominal ellipsis " , "Poznan Studies in Contemporary Linguistics",Vol.57,No., De Gruyter , Poznan Poland , 11/09/2021 Abstract:
      Arabic has two models of adnominal possession: the Construct State and the Free State. Despite their superficial differences, these constructions are traditionally given a uniform analysis, in which their base-generated structures are identical, with differences residing in the movement operations




      Mohammad Ali Alhailawani , " Unifying Ellipsis and Pronominalization in Jordanian Arabic " , "Studia Linguistica",Vol.n/a,No., Wiley-Blackwell, Amman, 05/09/2022 Abstract:
      In this paper, I discuss ellipsis inside Jordanian Arabic (JA) DPs. I show that both Nominal Ellipsis (NE) and pronominalization are attested in JA. I argue following Saab & Lipt´ak (2016) that ellipsis takes place at different heights in the extended nominal projection via the presence of an [E]
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